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    Israeli Story no "American" Media Organization will Follow

    Copyright 2002 Salon.com, Inc.

    For almost two years, hundreds of young Israelis falsely claiming to be art
    students haunted federal offices -- in particular, the DEA. No one knows
    why -- and no one seems to want to find out.

    May 7, 2002 Tuesday

    The Israeli "art student" mystery
    By Christopher Ketcham


    In January 2001, the security branch of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency
    began to receive a number of peculiar reports from DEA field offices across
    the country. According to the reports, young Israelis claiming to be art
    students and offering artwork for sale had been attempting to penetrate DEA
    offices for over a year. The Israelis had also attempted to penetrate the
    offices of other law enforcement and Department of Defense agencies.
    Strangest of all, the "students" had visited the homes of numerous DEA
    officers and other senior federal officials.

    As a pattern slowly emerged, the DEA appeared to have been targeted in what
    it called an "organized intelligence gathering activity." But to what end,
    and for whom, no one knew.

    Reports of the mysterious Israelis with an inexplicable interest in
    peddling art to G-men came in from more than 40 U.S. cities and continued
    throughout the first six months of 2001. Agents of the DEA, ATF, Air Force,
    Secret Service, FBI, and U.S. Marshals Service documented some 130 separate
    incidents of "art student" encounters. Some of the Israelis were observed
    diagramming the inside of federal buildings. Some were found carrying
    photographs they had taken of federal agents. One was discovered with a
    computer printout in his luggage that referred to "DEA groups."

    In some cases, the Israelis visited locations not known to the public --
    areas without street addresses, for example, or DEA offices not identified
    as such -- leading authorities to suspect that information had been
    gathered from prior surveillance or perhaps electronically, from credit
    cards and other sources. One Israeli was discovered holding banking
    receipts for substantial sums of money, close to $180,000 in withdrawals
    and deposits over a two-month period. A number of the Israelis resided for
    a period of time in Hollywood, Fla. -- the small city where Mohammed Atta
    and three terrorist comrades lived for a time before Sept. 11.

    In March 2001, the Office of the National Counterintelligence Executive
    (NCIX), a branch of the CIA, issued a heads-up to federal employees about
    "suspicious visitors to federal facilities." The warning noted that
    "employees have observed both males and females attempting to bypass
    facility security and enter federal buildings." Federal agents, the warning
    stated, had "arrested two of these individuals for trespassing and
    discovered that the suspects possessed counterfeit work visas and green
    cards."

    In the wake of the NCIX bulletin, federal officials raised several other
    red flags, including an Air Force alert, a Federal Protective Services
    alert, an Office of National Drug Control Policy security alert and a
    request that the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) investigate a
    specific case. Officials began dealing more aggressively with the "art
    students." According to one account, some 140 Israeli nationals were
    detained or arrested between March 2001 and Sept. 11, 2001. Many of them
    were deported. According to the INS, the deportations resulted from
    violations of student visas that forbade the Israelis from working in the
    United States. (In fact, Salon has established that none of the Israelis
    were enrolled in the art school most of them claimed to be attending; the
    other college they claimed to be enrolled in does not exist.) After the
    Sept. 11 attacks, many more young Israelis -- 60, according to one AP
    dispatch and other reports -- were detained and deported.

    The "art students" followed a predictable modus operandi. They generally
    worked in teams, typically consisting of a driver, who was the team leader,
    and three or four subordinates. The driver would drop the "salespeople" off
    at a given location and return to pick them up some hours later. The
    "salespeople" entered offices or approached agents in their offices or
    homes. Sometimes they pitched their artwork -- landscapes, abstract works,
    homemade pins and other items they carried about in portfolios. At other
    times, they simply attempted to engage agents in conversation. If asked
    about their studies, they generally said they were from the Bezalel Academy
    of Arts and Design in Jerusalem or the University of Jerusalem (which does
    not exist). They were described as "aggressive" in their sales pitch and
    "evasive" when questioned by wary agents. The females among them were
    invariably described as "very attractive" -- "blondes in tight shorts or
    jeans, real lookers," as one DEA agent put it to Salon. "They were flirty,
    flipping the hair, looking at you, smiling. 'Hey, how are you? Let me show
    you this.' Everything a woman would do if she wanted to get something out
    of you." Some agents noted that the "students" made repeated attempts to
    avoid facility security personnel by trying to enter federal buildings
    through back doors and side entrances. On several occasions, suspicious
    agents who had been visited at home observed the Israelis after the
    "students" departed and noted that they did not approach any of the
    neighbors.

    The document detailing most of this information was an internal DEA memo: a
    60-page report drawn up in June 2001 by the DEA's Office of Security
    Programs. The document was meant only for the eyes of senior officials at
    the Justice Department (of which the DEA is adjunct), but it was leaked to
    the press as early as December 2001 and by mid-March had been made widely
    available to the public.

    On the face of it, this was a blockbuster tale, albeit a bizarre and
    cryptic one, full of indeterminate leads and fascinating implications and
    ambiguous answers: "Like a good Clancy novel," as one observer put it. Was
    it espionage? Drug dealing? An intelligence game? The world's wackiest
    door-to-door hustle? Yet the mainstream media has almost entirely ignored
    the allegations or accepted official "explanations" that explain nothing.
    Even before the DEA memo was leaked, however, some reporters had begun
    sniffing around the remarkable story.On Oct. 1 of last year, Texas
    newswoman Anna Werner, of KHOU-TV in Houston, told viewers about a "curious
    pattern of behavior" by people with "Middle Eastern looks" claiming to be
    Israeli art students. "Government guards have found those so-called
    students," reported Werner, "trying to get into secure federal facilities
    in Houston in ways they're not supposed to -- through back doors and
    parking garages." Federal agents, she said, were extremely "concerned." The
    "students" had showed up at the DEA's Houston headquarters, at the Leland
    Federal Building in Houston, and even the federal prosecutor's office; they
    had also appeared to be monitoring the buildings. Guards at the Earle
    Cabell Federal Building in Dallas found one "student" wandering the halls
    with a floor plan of the site. Sources told Werner that similar incidents
    had occurred at sites in New York, Florida, and six other states, "and even
    more worrisome, at 36 sensitive Department of Defense sites."

    "One defense site you can explain," a former Defense Department analyst
    told Werner. "Thirty-six? That's a pattern." Ominously, the analyst
    concluded that such activity suggested a terrorist organization "scouting
    out potential targets and ... looking for targets that would be
    vulnerable."

    Post-9/11, this should have been the opening thrust in an orgy of coverage,
    and the scoop of a lifetime for Werner: Here she'd gotten a glimpse into a
    possible espionage ring of massive proportions, possibly of terrorists
    scouting new targets for jihad -- and those terrorists were possibly posing
    as Israelis. KHOU's conclusions were wrong -- these weren't Arab
    terrorists -- but at the time no one knew better. And yet the story died on
    the vine. No one followed up.

    Just about the same time that KHOU was stabbing in the dark, reporter Carl
    Cameron of the Fox News Channel was beginning an investigation into the
    mystery of the art students that would ultimately light the way into
    altogether different terrain. In a four-part series on Fox's "Special
    Report With Brit Hume" that aired in mid-December, Cameron reported that
    federal agents were investigating the "art student" phenomenon as a
    possible arm of Israeli espionage operations tracking al-Qaida operatives
    in the United States. Yes, you read that right: a spy ring that may have
    been trailing al-Qaida members in the weeks and months before Sept. 11 -- a
    spy ring that according to Cameron's sources may have known about the
    preparations for the Sept. 11 attacks but failed to share this knowledge
    with U.S. intelligence. One investigator told Cameron that "evidence
    linking these Israelis to 9/11 is classified. I cannot tell you about
    evidence that has been gathered. It's classified information."

    According to Cameron, some 60 Israeli nationals had been detained in the
    anti-terrorism/immigrant sweeps in the weeks after Sept. 11, and at least
    140 Israelis identified as "art students" had been detained or arrested in
    the prior months. Most of the 60 detained after Sept. 11 had been deported,
    Cameron said. "Some of the detainees," reported Cameron, "failed polygraph
    questions when asked about alleged surveillance activities against and in
    the United States." Some of them were on active military duty. (Military
    service is compulsory for all young Israelis.) Cameron was careful to note
    that there was "no indication that the Israelis were involved in the 9/11
    attacks" and that while his reporting had dug up "explosive information,"
    none of it was necessarily conclusive. Cameron was simply airing the
    wide-ranging speculations in an ongoing investigation.

    Incendiary as it was, that story died on the vine, too, and the scuttlebutt
    in major newsrooms was that Cameron's sources -- all anonymous -- were
    promulgating a fantasy. Reporters at the New York Times and the Washington
    Post hit up their go-to people inside Justice and FBI and CIA, but no one
    could seem to confirm the story, and indeed numerous officials laughed it
    off. Fox got it wrong, the newspapers of record concluded. And nothing more
    was heard on the topic in mainstream quarters.

    But inside the DEA, the Fox piece reverberated. An internal DEA communique
    obtained by Salon indicates that the DEA made careful note of Cameron's
    reports; the communique even mentions Fox News by name. Dated Dec. 18, four
    days after the final installment in the Fox series, the document warns of
    security breaches in DEA telecommunications by unauthorized "foreign
    nationals" -- and cites an Israeli-owned firm with which the DEA contracted
    for wiretap equipment -- breaches that could have accounted for the access
    that the "art students" apparently had to the home addresses of agents.

    It wasn't until nearly three months after the Fox reports that the "art
    student" enigma resurfaced in newsrooms, this time in Europe. On Feb. 28,
    the respected Paris-based espionage newsletter Intelligence Online reported
    in detail on what turned out to have been one of Cameron's key source
    documents: the 60-page DEA memo. The memo itself, which Salon obtained in
    mid-March, went no further than to speculate in the most general terms that
    the "nature of the individuals' conduct" suggested some sort of "organized
    intelligence gathering activity." The memo also pointed out that there was
    some evidence connecting the art students to a drug ring. "DEA Orlando has
    developed the first drug nexus to this group," the memo read. "Telephone
    numbers obtained from an Israeli Art Student encountered at the Orlando
    D.O. District Office have been linked to several ongoing DEA MDMA (Ecstasy)
    investigations in Florida, California, Texas and New York."

    However, Intelligence Online and then France's newspaper of record, Le
    Monde, came to a much more definite -- and explosive -- conclusion. This
    was the jackpot, they concluded, a proven spy ring run by the Mossad or the

    Israeli government. Thus you had Intelligence Online leading its Feb. 28
    piece with the statement that "a huge Israeli spy ring operating in the
    United States was rolled up," and you had Le Monde trumpeting on March 5
    that a "vast Israeli spy network" had been dismantled in the "largest case
    of Israeli spying" since 1985, when mole Jonathan Pollard was busted
    selling Pentagon secrets to the Mossad. Reuters that same day went with the
    headline "U.S. Busts Big Israeli Spy Ring," sourcing Le Monde's story.

    The two French journals came to conclusions that the memo itself clearly
    did not. And yet they had unearthed some intriguing material. Six of the
    "students" were apparently carrying cell phones purchased by a former
    Israeli vice consul to the United States. According to Le Monde, two of the
    "students" had traveled from Hamburg to Miami to visit an FBI agent in his
    home, then boarded a flight to Chicago and visited the home of a Justice
    Dept. agent, then hopped a direct flight to Toronto -- all in one day.
    According to Intelligence Online, more than one-third of the students, who
    were spread out in 42 cities, lived in Florida, several in Hollywood and
    Fort Lauderdale, Fla. -- one-time home to at least 10 of the 19 Sept. 11
    hijackers. In at least one case, the students lived just a stone's throw
    from homes and apartments where the Sept. 11 terrorists resided: In
    Hollywood, several students lived at 4220 Sheridan St., just down the block
    from the 3389 Sheridan St. apartment where terrorist mastermind Mohammed
    Atta holed up with three other Sept. 11 plotters. Many of the students, the
    DEA report noted, had backgrounds in Israeli military intelligence and/or
    electronics surveillance; one was the son of a two-star Israeli general,
    and another had served as a bodyguard to the head of the Israeli army.

    The DEA report on which the French journals based their investigations
    contained a wealth of remarkable tales. To take just a few samples:

    On March 1, 2001, a DEA special agent in the Tampa division offices
    "responded to a knock at one of the fifth floor offices. At the door was a
    young female who immediately identified herself as an Israeli art student
    who had beautiful art to sell. She was carrying a crudely made portfolio of
    unframed pictures." Aware of the "art student" alert, the agent invited the
    girl to an interview room, where he was joined by a colleague to listen to
    the girl's presentation. "She had approximately 15 paintings of different
    styles, some copies of famous works, and others similar in style to famous
    artists. When asked her name, she identified herself as Bella Pollcson, and
    pointed out one of the paintings was signed by that name." Then things got
    interesting: In the middle of her presentation, she changed her story and
    claimed that the paintings were not for sale, but "that she was there to
    promote an art show in Sarasota, Fla., and asked for the agents' business
    cards so that information regarding the show could be mailed to them."
    Well, where's the show? asked the agents. When's it going up? Pollcson
    couldn't say: didn't know when or where -- or even who was running it.
    Later it was determined that she had lied about her name as well.

    On Oct. 20, 2000, in the Houston offices of the DEA, a "male Israeli art
    student was observed by the Security Officers entering an elevator from a
    secure area. The officers were able to apprehend the art student before he
    could enter a secure area on the second floor." Three months later, in
    January 2001, a "male Israeli" was apprehended attempting to enter the same
    building from a back door in a "secured parking lot area." He claimed "he
    wanted to gain access to the building to sell artwork."

    On April 30, 2001, an Air Force alert was issued from Tinker Air Force Base
    in Oklahoma City concerning "possible intelligence collection being
    conducted by Israeli Art Students." Tinker AFB houses AWACS surveillance
    craft and Stealth bombers. The report does not elaborate on what kind of
    intelligence was being sought.

    On May 19, 2001, two Israeli nationals "requested permission to visit a
    museum" at Volk Field Air National Guard Base in Camp Douglas, Wis.
    "Approximately ten minutes after being allowed on the base, the two were
    seen on an active runway, taking photographs." The men, charged with
    misdemeanor trespass, were identified as 26-year-old Gal Kantor and
    22-year-old Tsvi Watermann, and were released after paying a $210 fine.
    According to the Air Force security officer on duty, "Both were asked if
    they were involved in the selling of art while in the U.S. Kantor became
    very upset over this, and questioned why they were being asked about that
    ... Kantor's whole demeanor changed, and he then became uncooperative."

    So it went week after week, month after month, for more than a year and a
    half. In addition to the locations mentioned above, there were "art
    student" encounters in Atlanta, Chicago, Denver, Detroit, El Paso, Los
    Angeles, Miami, Orlando, New Orleans, Phoenix, San Diego, Little Rock,
    Seattle, Washington, D.C., Arlington, Texas, Albuquerque, and dozens of
    other small cities and towns."Their stories," the DEA report states, "were
    remarkable only in their consistency. At first, they will state that they
    are art students, either from the University of Jerusalem or the Bezalel
    Academy of Arts in Jerusalem. Other times they will purport to be promoting
    a new art studio in the area. When pressed for details as to the location
    of the art studio or why they are selling the paintings, they become
    evasive."

    Indeed, they had reason to be nervous, because they were lying. Salon
    contacted Bezalel Academy's Varda Harel, head of the Academic Students'
    Administration, with a list of every "student" named in the DEA report,
    including their dates of birth, passport numbers, and in some cases
    military registration numbers. Not a single name was identified in the
    Bezalel database, either as a current student or as a graduate of the past
    10 years (nor had any of the "students" tried to apply to Bezalel in the
    last ten years). As for the University of Jerusalem, there is no such
    entity. There is the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, but Heidi Gleit, the
    school's foreign press liaison, told me that Israelis commonly refer to the
    school as Hebrew University, not the University of Jerusalem. (Hebrew
    University, she said, does not release student records to the public.)

    Still, the U.S. press was uninterested. Just one day after the Le Monde
    report, the Washington Post ran a story on March 6 that seemed to put the
    whole thing to rest. Headlined "Reports of Israeli Spy Ring Dismissed," the
    piece, by John Mintz and Dan Eggen, opened with official denials from a
    "wide array of U.S. officials" and quoted Justice Department spokeswoman
    Susan Dryden as saying, "This seems to be an urban myth that has been
    circulating for months. The department has no information at this time to
    substantiate these widespread reports about Israeli art students involved
    in espionage."

    The Post quoted anonymous officials who said they thought the allegations
    had been "circulated by a single employee of the Drug Enforcement
    Administration who is angry that his theories have not gained currency ...
    T wo law enforcement officials said the disgruntled DEA agent, who
    disagreed with the conclusion of FBI and CIA intelligence experts that no
    spying was taking place, appears to be leaking a memo that he himself
    wrote."

    An INS spokesman acknowledged to the Post that several dozen Israelis had
    been deported, but said it was the result of "routine visa violations." At
    the same time, DEA spokesman Thomas Hinojosa told the Post that "multiple
    reports of suspicious activity on the part of young Israelis had come into
    the agency's Washington headquarters from agents in the field. The reports
    were summarized in a draft memo last year, but Hinojosa said he did not
    have a copy and could not vouch for the accuracy of media reports
    describing its contents."

    The Post's apparent debunking was far from convincing, even to the casual
    reader. Of course there was no proof that the art students were part of a
    spy ring: Intelligence Online and Le Monde had jumped the gun. However, the
    real possibility that they were part of a spy ring could not be
    dismissed -- any more than could any other theory one might advance to
    explain their unusual behavior. With that in mind, Justice spokeswoman
    Dryden's assertion that reports of an Israeli spy ring were an "urban myth"
    was an oddly overplayed denial. A response that fit the facts would have
    been something like "There have been numerous reports of suspicious
    behavior by Israelis claiming to be art students. We are looking into the
    allegations." Instead, Dryden appeared to be trying to forestall any
    discussion of just what the facts of the case were. Given the political
    sensitivities and the potentially embarrassing nature of the case, that was
    not surprising,

    If the whole thing was an "urban myth," like the sewer reptiles of
    Manhattan, and if it all led back to one deskbound nut job in the DEA, then
    what were those "reports of suspicious activity" that had come in from
    agents in the field? Hinojosa's statement about the DEA memo was
    suspiciously evasive: If the "media reports describing its content" (that
    is, the articles in Le Monde and Intelligence Online) were in fact based on
    the DEA memo whose existence Hinojosa acknowledged, then the "lone nut"
    explanation offered by anonymous U.S. officials was at best irrelevant and
    at worst a rather obvious piece of disinformation, an attempt to shove the
    story under the rug. (In fact, the French articles were based on the actual
    DEA memo -- a fact any news organization could have quickly verified, since
    the leaked DEA document had been floating around on various Web venues,
    such as Cryptome.org, as early as March 21).

    To someone not familiar with the 60-page DEA memo, or to reporters who
    didn't bother to obtain it, the fact that a disgruntled employee leaked a
    memo he wrote himself might seem like decisive proof that the whole "art
    student" tale was a canard. In reality, the nature of the memo makes its
    authorship irrelevant. The memo is a compilation of field reports by dozens
    of named agents and officials from DEA offices across America. It contains
    the names, passport numbers, addresses, and in some cases the military ID
    numbers of the Israelis who were questioned by federal authorities.
    Pointing a finger at the author is like blaming a bank robbery on the desk
    sergeant who took down the names of the robbers.

    Of course, the agent (or agents) who wrote the memo could also have
    fabricated or embellished the field reports. That does not seem to have
    been the case. Salon contacted more than a half-dozen agents identified in
    the memo. One agent said she had been visited six times at her home by "art
    students." None of the agents wished to be named, and very few were willing
    to speak at length, but all confirmed the veracity of the information.

    Despite such obvious holes in the official story, neither the Post nor any
    other mainstream media organization ran follow-up articles. The New York
    Times has not yet deemed it worth covering -- in fact, the paper of record
    has not written about the art student mystery even once, not even to
    pooh-pooh it. One or two minor media players did some braying -- Israel had
    been caught spying, etc. ' and the bonko conspiracy fringe had a field day,
    but the rest of the media, taking a cue from the big boys, decided it was a
    nonstarter: the Post's "debunking" and the Times' silence had effectively
    killed the story.

    So complete was the silence that by mid-March, Jane's Information Group,
    the respected British intelligence and military analysis service, noted:
    "It is rather strange that the U.S. media seems to be ignoring what may
    well be the most explosive story since the 11 September attacks -- the
    alleged break-up of a major Israeli espionage operation in the USA."

    The only major American media outlet aside from Fox to seriously present
    the "art student" allegations was Insight on the News, the investigative
    magazine published weekly by the conservative Washington Times. In a March
    11 article, Insight quoted a senior Justice Department official as saying,
    "We think there is something quite sinister here but are unable at this
    time to put our finger on it" -- essentially echoing what the DEA report
    concluded.

    Managing editor Paul M. Rodriguez, who wrote the Insight story and had
    quietly tracked the art student phenomenon for weeks before Intelligence
    Online scooped him, took an agnostic stance toward the mystery. "There is
    zero information at this time to suggest that these students were being run
    by the Mossad," he told me. "Nothing we've come across would suggest this.
    We have seen nothing that says this is a spy ring run by the Israeli
    government directly or with a wink and a nod or some other form of sub rosa
    control. Based on what we've been told, seen and obtained I just don't see
    the so-called spy ring as a certain fact. Does that make it not so? I don't
    know."

    Rodriguez added, "I think the investigators' take is this: What were these
    'students' doing going around accessing buildings without authorization,
    tracking undercover cops to their homes -- if not for some sort of intel
    mission? It's sort of a mind-fuck scenario, if one were to believe this was
    a conspiracy by a foreign intel source and/or a bunch of nutty 'kids'
    fucking around just to see how far they could push the envelope -- which
    they seem to have pushed pretty damn far, given the page after page after
    page of intrusions and snooping alleged."

    The Israeli embassy denies the charges of a spy ring. "We are saying what
    we've been saying for months," spokesman Mark Reguev told Salon, referring
    to the Fox series in December. "No American official or intelligence agency
    has complained to us about this. The story is nonsense. Israel does not spy
    on the United States."

    Whether or not the "art students" are Israeli spies, Reguev's blanket
    disavowal is untrue: Israel does spy on the United States. This should come
    as no surprise: Allies frequently spy on each other, and Israeli
    intelligence is renowned as among the best and most aggressive in the
    world. Israel has been at war off and on since its birth as a nation in
    1948 and is hungry for information it deems essential to its survival. And
    America's relationship to Israel and support for it is essential to the
    survival of the Jewish state. Add these things up, and espionage against
    the United States becomes understandable, if not justifiable. The U.S.
    government officially denies this, of course, but it knows that such spying
    goes on. In 1996, the U.S. General Accounting Office issued a report
    indicating that "Country A," later identified as Israel, "conducts the most
    aggressive espionage operation against the United States of any U.S. ally."
    A year earlier, the Defense Investigative Service circulated a memo warning
    U.S. military contractors that "Israel aggressively collects U.S. military
    and industrial technology" and "possesses the resources and technical
    capability to successfully achieve its collection objectives." The memo
    explained that "the Israelis are motivated by strong survival instincts
    which dictate every facet of their political and economic policies."

    In the history of Israeli espionage in and against the United States, the
    case of Jonathan Pollard was certainly the most heinous. Pollard, a
    civilian U.S. naval intelligence analyst, provided Israeli intelligence
    with an estimated 800,000 pages of classified U.S. intelligence
    information. The information eventually ended up in Soviet hands,
    compromising American agents in the field -- several of whom were allegedly
    captured and killed as a result. Israel at first denied, and then admitted,
    Pollard's connections to the Mossad after he was arrested in 1985 and
    imprisoned for life. The case severely strained American-Israeli relations,
    and continues to rankle many American Jews, who believe that since Pollard
    was spying for Israel, his sentence was unduly harsh. (Other American Jews
    feel equally strongly that Pollard and the Israelis betrayed them.)

    Any attempt to understand the official U.S. response to the Israeli art
    student mystery -- and to some degree, the media response -- must take into
    account both the smoke screen that states blow over incidents that could
    jeopardize their strategic alliances, and America's unique and complex
    relationship with Israel. The Jewish state is a close if problematic ally
    with whom the United States enjoys a "special relationship" unlike that
    maintained with any other nation in the world. But U.S. and Israeli
    interests do not always coincide, and spying has always been deemed to
    cross a line, to represent a fundamental violation of trust. According to
    intelligence sources, the United States might perhaps secretly tolerate
    some Israeli spying on U.S. soil if the government decided that it was in
    our interest (although it could never be acknowledged), but certain types
    of spying will simply not be accepted by the United States, whether the
    spying is carried out by Israel or anyone else.

    If England or France spied on the United States, American officials would
    likely conceal it. In the case of Israel, there are far stronger reasons to
    hide any unseemly cracks in the special relationship. The powerful
    pro-Israel political constituencies in Congress; pro-Israel lobbies; the
    Bush administration's strong support for Israel, and its strategic and
    political interest in maintaining close ties with the Jewish state as a
    partner in the "war against terror"; the devastating consequences for
    U.S.-Israeli relations if it was suspected that Israeli agents might have
    known about the Sept. 11 attack -- all these factors explain why the U.S.
    government might publicly downplay the art student story and conceal any
    investigation that produces unpalatable results.

    The pro-Israel lobby is a vast and powerful force in American politics; the
    American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, is the No. 1
    foreign-policy lobby and the fourth most powerful lobby in Washington,
    according to Fortune Magazine. Michael Lind, a senior fellow of the New
    America Foundation and a former executive editor of the National Interest,
    calls the Israel lobby "an ethnic donor machine" that "distorts U.S.
    foreign policy" in the Middle East. Among foreign service officers, law
    enforcement and the military, there is an impression, says Lind, that you
    can't mess with Israel without suffering direct and indirect smears, such
    as being labeled an Arabist. Lind, who himself has been virulently attacked
    as an anti-Semite for his forthrightness on the subject, acknowledges that
    the Israel lobby is no different from any other -- just more effective.
    "This is what all lobbies do," Lind observes. "If you criticize the AARP,
    you hate old people and you want them to starve to death. The Israel lobby
    is just one part of the lobby problem."

    Considering the volatility of the issue, it is not surprising that almost
    no one in officialdom wants to go on the record for a story like the art
    students. "In government circles," as Insight's Rodriguez put it, "anything
    that has to do with Israel is always a hot topic, a third rail -- deadly.
    No one wants to touch it." Fox News' Cameron quoted intelligence officers
    saying that to publicly air suspicions of Israeli wrongdoing was tantamount
    to "career suicide." And the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, in one of its
    bloodiest and most polarizing phases, has only exacerbated sensitivities.

    Some of the same pressures that keep government officials from criticizing
    Israel may also explain why the media has failed to pursue the art student
    enigma. Media outlets that run stories even mildly critical of Israel often
    find themselves targeted by organized campaigns, including form-letter
    e-mails, the cancellation of subscriptions, and denunciations of the
    organization and its reporters and editors as anti-Semites. Cameron, for
    example, was excoriated by various pro-Israel lobbying groups for his
    expose. Representatives of the Jewish Institute for National Security
    Affairs (JINSA), the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), and the Committee for
    Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America (CAMERA) argued that the Fox
    report cited only unnamed sources, provided no direct evidence, and
    moreover had been publicly denied by spokesmen for the FBI and others (the
    last, of course, is not really an argument).

    In a December interview with Salon, CAMERA's associate director, Alex
    Safian, said that several "Jewish/Israeli groups" were having
    "conversations" with representatives of Fox News regarding Cameron's piece.
    Safian said he questioned Cameron's motives in running the story. "I think
    Fox has always been fair to Israel in its reporting," said Safian. "I think
    it's just Cameron who has something, personally, about Israel. He was
    brought up in the Middle East. Maybe that has something to do with it.
    Maybe he's very sympathetic to the Arab side. One could ask." The implicit
    suggestion was that Cameron is a bigot; in conversation, Safian would later
    make the same allegation about the entire editorial helm at Le Monde, which
    he called an anti-Semitic newspaper.

    Told of Safian's comments, Cameron said, "I'm speechless. I spent several
    years in Iran growing up because my father was an archaeologist there. That
    makes me anti-Israel?" The chief Washington correspondent for Fox News,
    Cameron had never before been attacked for biased coverage of Israel or
    Israeli-related affairs -- or for biased coverage of Arabs, for that
    matter. Cameron defends his December reporting, saying he had never
    received any heat whatsoever from his superiors, nor had he ever been
    contacted by any dissenting voices in government.

    Oddly, four days after the Cameron investigation ran, all traces of his
    report -- transcripts, Web links, headlines -- disappeared from the
    Foxnews.com archives. (Normally, Fox leaves a story up for two to three
    weeks before consigning it to the pay archive.) When Le Monde contacted Fox
    in March for a copy of the original tapes, Fox News spokesmen said the
    request posed a problem but would not elaborate. (Fox News now says Le
    Monde never called.) Asked why the Cameron piece disappeared, spokesman
    Robert Zimmerman said it was "up there on our Web site for about two or
    three weeks and then it was taken down because we had to replace it with
    more breaking news. As you know, in a Web site you've got x amount of
    bandwidth -- you know, x amount of stuff you can put stuff up on sic . So
    it was replaced. Normal course of business, my friend." (In fact, a
    text-based story on a Web site takes up a negligible amount of bandwidth.)

    When informed that Cameron's story was gone from the archives, not simply
    from the headline pages (when you entered the old URL, a Fox screen
    appeared with the message "This story no longer exists"), Zimmerman
    replied, "I don't know where it is."

    The extreme sensitivity of the Israeli art student story in government
    circles was made clear to this reporter when, in the midst of my inquiries
    at DEA and elsewhere, I was told by a source that some unknown party had
    checked my records and background. He proved it by mentioning a job I had
    briefly held many years ago that virtually no one outside my family knew
    about. Shortly after this, I received a call from an individual who
    identified himself only by the code name Stability. Stability said he was
    referred to me from "someone in Washington." That someone turned out to be
    a veteran D.C. correspondent who has close sources in the CIA and the FBI
    and who verified that Stability was a high-level intelligence agent who had
    been following the art student matter from the inside.Stability was guarded
    in his initial conversation with me. He said that people in the
    intelligence committee were suspicious about my bona fides and raised the
    possibility that someone was "using" me. "Your name is known and has been
    known for quite a while," Stability said. "The problem is that you're going
    into a hornet's nest with this. It's a very difficult time in this
    particular area. This is a scenario where a lot of people are living a
    bunker mentality." He added, "There are a lot of people under a lot of
    pressure right now because there's a great effort to discredit the story,
    discredit the connections, prevent people from going any further in
    investigating the matter . There are some very, very smart people who have
    taken a lot of heat on this -- have gone to what I would consider
    extraordinary risks to reach out. Quite frankly, there are a lot of
    patriots out there who'd like to remain alive. Typically, patriots are
    dead."

    In a subsequent conversation, Stability said that the DEA's Office of
    Professional Responsibility is currently undertaking an aggressive
    investigation targeting agents suspected of leaking the June 2001 memo. The
    OPR inquiry was initiated as a result of Intelligence Online's expose of
    the DEA document in late February. According to Stability, at least 14
    agents -- including some in agencies other than DEA -- are now under
    intense scrutiny and interrogation. Half a dozen agents have been
    polygraphed several times over, computers have been seized, desks have been
    searched.

    A DEA spokesman would neither confirm nor deny the allegation. "Anything
    that has to do with internal security, which would include OPR, is not
    anything we're able to discuss," the spokesman said.

    As for the DEA document itself, Stability said that all information
    gathering for it ceased around June 2001. He also noted that "there are
    multiple variations of that document" floating around DEA and elsewhere.

    "It was a living, breathing document," Stability said, "that grew on a
    week-by-week basis, that was being added to as people forwarded
    information. To say this was a coordinated effort would be a stretch; it
    was ad hoc. But that document the DEA memo didn't just happen. That
    document was the result of literally dozens of people providing input,
    working together. These events were going on, people were looking at them,
    but could not understand them.

    "It wasn't until the end of 2000 and the beginning of 2001 that field
    agents ran across a series of visits that occurred within a very close
    period of time," Stability said. Agents from across the country began
    talking to each other, comparing notes. "There was an embryonic
    understanding that there was something here, something was happening.
    People kept running across it. And agents being who they are, gut feelings
    being what they are, they would catch a thread. They'd start to pull a
    thread, and next thing, they'd end up with the arm of the jacket and the
    back was coming off, and then you'd end up with reports like you saw. The
    information, in its scattered form, is one thing. The information compiled,
    documented, timelined, indexed, is a horrific event for some of these
    people. Because it is indisputable."

    "Agents started to realize that people were coming to their homes," he
    continued. "If you are part of an organization like this, you tend to be
    careful about your security. When something disturbs that sense of
    security, it's unnerving. One thing that was understood fairly early on was
    that the students would go to some areas that didn't have street signs, and
    in fact they would already have directions to these areas. That indicated
    that someone had been there prior to them or had electronically figured
    where the agents were located -- using credit card records, things of that
    nature. This sat in the back of people's minds as to the resources
    necessary to do that."

    "I will tell you that there is still great debate over what the art
    students' specific purposes were and are," Stability went on. "When you
    take an individual who picks up a group of individuals from an airport,
    individuals who supposedly have no idea what they're doing in-country, who
    fly on over from a foreign land, whose airline tickets could in some
    instances total a value greater than $15,000 -- and who get picked up at
    the airport and drive specifically to one individual's home, which they
    know the exact directions to: Yeah, you could say there's a problem here.
    You don't need to be a rocket scientist to understand that. The overarching
    item is that a lot of work went into going to people's houses to sell them
    junk from China in plastic frames."

    But to what end? What was the value? What was to be gained? "Unknown,
    unknown," Stability said. "You could be anywhere from D.C. to daylight on
    that one. Even on our side, you have to take all the stuff and draw it all
    out and clean out all the chaff. I will tell you that from those who are
    working ground zero of this case , it is a difficult puzzle to put
    together, and it is not complete by any means." Even the spooks are
    baffled; they have no answers.

    So let's draw out the chaff ourselves and see if we can at least speculate.
    In intel circles, there are a number of working theories, according to
    Stability. "Profiling of federal agents is one," said Stability. "Keeping
    tabs on other people, other foreign nationals, is another. A third is that
    they were working for organized crime -- that's an easy one, and it almost
    sounds more like a cover than a reality. The predominant thought is that it
    was a profiling endeavour, and from a profiling aspect, also one of
    intimidation."

    You mean this whole vast scheme was a mind fuck, to use Paul Rodriguez's
    elegant phrasing? A psy-ops endeavor to spook the spooks? Perhaps. As
    Stability put it, "Almost nothing is wrong in this particular instance, Mr.
    Ketcham. In this particular situation, right is wrong, left is right, up is
    down, day is night."

    Yet for the most part the targeted agents weren't spooks in the strictest
    sense: They were DEA -- cops who bust drug dealers. And that leads us into
    Theory No. 1, also known as the Art Student/Drug Dealer Conspiracy. This
    theory has a piece of evidence to support it: the link, mentioned in the
    leaked DEA memo, between an Ecstasy investigation and the telephone numbers
    provided by an Israeli detained in Orlando. There are "problems" with
    Israeli nationals involved in the Ecstasy business, according to Israeli
    Embassy spokesman Reguev. "Israeli authorities and the DEA are working
    together on that issue," he said. In a statement before Congress in 2000,
    officials with the U.S. Customs Service, which intercepted some 7 million
    Ecstasy tablets last year, noted that "Israeli organized-crime elements
    appear to be in control" of the multibillion-dollar U.S. Ecstasy trade,
    "from production through the international smuggling phase. Couriers
    associated with Israeli organized crime have been arrested around the
    world, including ... locations in the U.S. such as Florida, New Jersey, New
    York and California."

    Miami was cited as one of the main entry points of Ecstasy into the United
    States and was specified as one of the central "headquarters for the
    criminal organizations that smuggle Ecstasy"; Houston was also cited for
    large Ecstasy seizures -- an interesting nexus, given the large number of
    "art students" who congregated both in the Miami and Ft. Lauderdale area
    and in Houston. "Israeli nationals in the Ecstasy trade have been very
    sophisticated in their operations," says a U.S. Customs officer who has
    investigated the groups. "Some of these individuals have been skilled at
    counterintelligence and in concealing their communications and movements
    from law enforcement."

    It would thus seem that Israeli organized crime has at least the capacity
    to pull off a widespread surveillance and intelligence operation. The drug
    connection would also explain the sizable reserves of cash one Tampa
    student was handling.

    One DEA agent named in the "art student" report told Salon that the best
    possible explanation for the affair '- and he admitted to being utterly
    baffled by it -- was that drug dealers were involved.

    "Why us if not because of the DEA's mission?" the agent asked. "I mean,
    what would Israeli intel want with us? Here's another avenue of inquiry to
    take: Israeli organized crime is the now the biggest dealer of Ecstasy in
    the United States. These students? It was Israeli organized crime judging
    our strength, getting a survey of our operations. What if I wanted to
    burglarize your building and go through your files? I'd do a reconnoiter.
    Get a sense of the floor plan and security, where the guards are stationed,
    how many doors, what kind of locks, alarm systems, backup alarm systems."

    The trouble with this theory is the obvious one: In the annals of crime
    chutzpah, for drug dealers to brazenly approach drug agents in their homes
    and offices may represent the all-time world record. And what conceivable
    useful intelligence could they gather that would be worth the risk? Were
    the tee-heeing tight-sweatered Israeli babes pulling some kind of Mata Hari
    stunt, seducing paunchy middle-aged DEA boys and beguiling them into
    loose-lipped info sharing? Theory No. 2 is that they were all engaged in
    espionage. This scenario has the virtue of simplicity -- if it smells like
    a spy, walks like a spy, and talks like a spy, it probably is a spy -- but
    doesn't make much sense, either. Why would the Mossad -- or any spy outfit
    with a lick of good sense -- use kids without papers as spies? And, just as
    our incredulous DEA agent noted, what intelligence useful to Israel could
    be gathered from DEA offices, anyway?

    I suggested to Stability that the operation, if it was that, was purposely
    conspicuous -- almost oafish. "Yes, it was," he replied. "It was a noisy
    operation. Did you ever see 'Victor/Victoria'? It was about a woman playing
    a man playing a woman. Perhaps you should think about this from that aspect
    and ask yourself if you wanted to have something that was in your face,
    that didn't make sense, that couldn't possibly be them." He added, "Think
    of it this way: How could the experts think this could actually be
    something of any value? Wouldn't they dismiss what they were seeing?"

    That's where you enter truly dark territory: Theory No. 3, the Art Student
    as Agent as Art Student Smoke Screen. It has major problems, but let's roll
    with it for a moment. This theory contends that the art student ring was a
    smoke screen intended to create confusion and allow actual spies -- who
    were also posing as art students -- to be lumped together with the rest and
    escape detection. In other words, the operation is an elaborate double
    fake-out, a hiding-in-plain-sight scam. Whoever dreamed it up thought ahead
    to the endgame and knew that the DEA-stakeout aspect was so bizarre that it
    would throw off American intelligence. According to this theory --
    Stability's "Victor/Victoria" scenario -- Israeli agents wanted, let's say,
    to monitor al-Qaida members in Florida and other states. But they feared
    detection. So to provide cover, and also to create a dizzyingly Byzantine
    story that would confuse the situation, Israeli intel flooded areas of real
    operations with these bumbling "art students" -- who were told to
    deliberately stake out DEA agents.

    Perhaps. Why not? Up is down, left is right. I nudged Stability on the
    obvious implication of the "Victor/Victoria" scenario: If this was a ruse,
    a decoy to conceal another operation, what was that other operation?
    "Unknown," Stability said.

    Then of course there's Theory No. 4: that they really were art students.
    Either they were recruited in Israel as part of an art-selling racket or
    they simply hit upon the idea themselves. This theory is basically the de
    facto position held by the U.S. and Israeli governments, which insist that
    the only wrong committed by the "students" was to sell art without the
    proper papers. There are almost too many problems with this to list, but
    it's worth mentioning a few: Why in the world would people try to sell
    cheap art market to DEA officials? Why would they almost all use the same
    bogus Bezalel Academy of Arts cover story? Why would anyone running such a
    racket to make money use foreign nationals without green cards, knowing
    that they would quickly be snagged for visa violations? And why did so many
    of these itinerant peddlers, wandering the United States on their strange
    mission of hawking cheap Chinese knockoff paintings, have "black
    information" about federal facilities?

    There are other theories. One is that these were spies in training, newly
    minted Mossad graduates on test runs to see how they would operate in field
    conditions. I asked Stability how hotly the matter was now being pursued in
    intel and law enforcement. "Depends on who you speak to," he told me. "Some
    people say that it's a dead issue, a fantasy. Most of the investigations
    are happening at an ad hoc level. There are people out there that you
    couldn't sway off some of the cases, because that's how dedicated they
    are."

    Apparently, at least some agents in FBI remain quite concerned about the
    art student problem. According to several intelligence sources, including
    Stability, on Dec. 3, 2001, six separate FBI field offices simultaneously
    forwarded communiques to FBI headquarters inquiring into the status of the
    investigation. The FBI agents wanted to have a "clarification" as to what
    was going on.

    The subject may not be officially dead yet. The art student matter may be
    taken up by the congressional committees investigating intelligence
    failures leading up to the Sept. 11 attacks, according to another source.

    What about the crucial Washington Post article, in which anonymous federal
    agents alleged the DEA memo was the work of a disgruntled employee?

    "The Washington Post article was a plant -- that's obvious. The story was
    killed," Stability told me. Who planted the story? Stability claimed the
    FBI was behind it. "Every organization is running scared," Stability added,
    "because they're afraid of the next shoe to drop. There are many smoking
    guns out there, many. So consequently every one is at a level of heightened
    anxiety, and when they're anxious they make mistakes."

    Yes, but what are they afraid of? What will the smoking guns prove?
    Questions, questions, labyrinthine questions, and the more you ask in this
    matter, the fewer get answered. When I called the CIA to inquire about the
    agency's March 2001 alert -- an alert that evinced deep disquiet over the
    affair -- an official who was aware of the inquiry told me, "I'll make a
    recommendation to you: Don't write a story. This whole thing has been blown
    way out of proportion. As far as we're concerned, we reported it, yes, but
    subsequently it's nothing of interest to us. And we've just closed the book
    on it. And I really recommend you do the same. Let it go. There's nothing
    here."

    Not everyone else in law enforcement is so sure. "There's a lot of concern
    among the agents," said the DEA source. "We're investigators. We're not
    satisfied when we don't have answers. This is a mystery that has an answer
    and it has to be resolved."

    Editor's Note: This story has been corrected since its original
    publication.

    LOAD-DATE: May 8, 2002


    What is missing from this story is how organized crime and the Israeli government
    are one and the same.

    The theory missing here is that this could have been a mission with several
    purposes. While wrapped up near the end with the DEA, the theories leave out
    the attempted penetration of other U.S. agencies which have nothing to do
    with dope dealing of any kind.

    Ecstasy brings in a lot of shekels. Despite all the billions drained from America
    in tax dollars every year Israel wants a lot more and dope dealing is very profitable.

    Hence they targeted the DEA, helped guide and assist those who attacked the
    U.S on 9-11, sent the anthrax with the threatening Muslim letters, and sent a threat
    of "we know who you are and where you live".

    The Jews also did something else as noted by the source called "Stability".

    "Quite frankly, there are a lot of patriots out there who'd like to remain alive.
    Typically, patriots are dead."

    This is a figurative speech, dead as in "out of the loop" -sent to Alaska- or
    dismissed.

    It could well be that the Jew Cabal is consolidating its power from the top,
    flushing out the patriots still hidden within, those who still feel some responsibility
    to defend America from being used to cleanse the Palestinians and relocate
    the looted wealth of America to Israel and its new empire within a pacified
    Arab and Muslim world.

    The Jews appear to have control of the Pentagon, and the Pentagon and its
    corporate suppliers and research institutes compose the power structure
    that runs the world. It does not have to stay here in America anymore than
    General Motors has to manufacture cars here. It and Wall Street can be
    relocated to Israel.

    Indeed the patriots seem to be dead. The power struggle seems to be
    between the British and the Israelis as to who will rule America.

    The USA reduced to being ruled by its old enemy or its newer enemy.


  2. #2
    Harvey
    Guest

    Re: Israeli Story no "American" Media Organization will Follow

    Yes, (half)awake, there's a conspiracy.

    Pretty soon they are going to have you forcibly circumcised so watch out.

    h



  3. #3
    Awake
    Guest

    Israeli Story no "American" Media Organization will Follow

    Copyright 2002 Salon.com, Inc.

    For almost two years, hundreds of young Israelis falsely claiming to be art
    students haunted federal offices -- in particular, the DEA. No one knows
    why -- and no one seems to want to find out.

    May 7, 2002 Tuesday

    The Israeli "art student" mystery
    By Christopher Ketcham


    In January 2001, the security branch of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency
    began to receive a number of peculiar reports from DEA field offices across
    the country. According to the reports, young Israelis claiming to be art
    students and offering artwork for sale had been attempting to penetrate DEA
    offices for over a year. The Israelis had also attempted to penetrate the
    offices of other law enforcement and Department of Defense agencies.
    Strangest of all, the "students" had visited the homes of numerous DEA
    officers and other senior federal officials.

    As a pattern slowly emerged, the DEA appeared to have been targeted in what
    it called an "organized intelligence gathering activity." But to what end,
    and for whom, no one knew.

    Reports of the mysterious Israelis with an inexplicable interest in
    peddling art to G-men came in from more than 40 U.S. cities and continued
    throughout the first six months of 2001. Agents of the DEA, ATF, Air Force,
    Secret Service, FBI, and U.S. Marshals Service documented some 130 separate
    incidents of "art student" encounters. Some of the Israelis were observed
    diagramming the inside of federal buildings. Some were found carrying
    photographs they had taken of federal agents. One was discovered with a
    computer printout in his luggage that referred to "DEA groups."

    In some cases, the Israelis visited locations not known to the public --
    areas without street addresses, for example, or DEA offices not identified
    as such -- leading authorities to suspect that information had been
    gathered from prior surveillance or perhaps electronically, from credit
    cards and other sources. One Israeli was discovered holding banking
    receipts for substantial sums of money, close to $180,000 in withdrawals
    and deposits over a two-month period. A number of the Israelis resided for
    a period of time in Hollywood, Fla. -- the small city where Mohammed Atta
    and three terrorist comrades lived for a time before Sept. 11.

    In March 2001, the Office of the National Counterintelligence Executive
    (NCIX), a branch of the CIA, issued a heads-up to federal employees about
    "suspicious visitors to federal facilities." The warning noted that
    "employees have observed both males and females attempting to bypass
    facility security and enter federal buildings." Federal agents, the warning
    stated, had "arrested two of these individuals for trespassing and
    discovered that the suspects possessed counterfeit work visas and green
    cards."

    In the wake of the NCIX bulletin, federal officials raised several other
    red flags, including an Air Force alert, a Federal Protective Services
    alert, an Office of National Drug Control Policy security alert and a
    request that the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) investigate a
    specific case. Officials began dealing more aggressively with the "art
    students." According to one account, some 140 Israeli nationals were
    detained or arrested between March 2001 and Sept. 11, 2001. Many of them
    were deported. According to the INS, the deportations resulted from
    violations of student visas that forbade the Israelis from working in the
    United States. (In fact, Salon has established that none of the Israelis
    were enrolled in the art school most of them claimed to be attending; the
    other college they claimed to be enrolled in does not exist.) After the
    Sept. 11 attacks, many more young Israelis -- 60, according to one AP
    dispatch and other reports -- were detained and deported.

    The "art students" followed a predictable modus operandi. They generally
    worked in teams, typically consisting of a driver, who was the team leader,
    and three or four subordinates. The driver would drop the "salespeople" off
    at a given location and return to pick them up some hours later. The
    "salespeople" entered offices or approached agents in their offices or
    homes. Sometimes they pitched their artwork -- landscapes, abstract works,
    homemade pins and other items they carried about in portfolios. At other
    times, they simply attempted to engage agents in conversation. If asked
    about their studies, they generally said they were from the Bezalel Academy
    of Arts and Design in Jerusalem or the University of Jerusalem (which does
    not exist). They were described as "aggressive" in their sales pitch and
    "evasive" when questioned by wary agents. The females among them were
    invariably described as "very attractive" -- "blondes in tight shorts or
    jeans, real lookers," as one DEA agent put it to Salon. "They were flirty,
    flipping the hair, looking at you, smiling. 'Hey, how are you? Let me show
    you this.' Everything a woman would do if she wanted to get something out
    of you." Some agents noted that the "students" made repeated attempts to
    avoid facility security personnel by trying to enter federal buildings
    through back doors and side entrances. On several occasions, suspicious
    agents who had been visited at home observed the Israelis after the
    "students" departed and noted that they did not approach any of the
    neighbors.

    The document detailing most of this information was an internal DEA memo: a
    60-page report drawn up in June 2001 by the DEA's Office of Security
    Programs. The document was meant only for the eyes of senior officials at
    the Justice Department (of which the DEA is adjunct), but it was leaked to
    the press as early as December 2001 and by mid-March had been made widely
    available to the public.

    On the face of it, this was a blockbuster tale, albeit a bizarre and
    cryptic one, full of indeterminate leads and fascinating implications and
    ambiguous answers: "Like a good Clancy novel," as one observer put it. Was
    it espionage? Drug dealing? An intelligence game? The world's wackiest
    door-to-door hustle? Yet the mainstream media has almost entirely ignored
    the allegations or accepted official "explanations" that explain nothing.
    Even before the DEA memo was leaked, however, some reporters had begun
    sniffing around the remarkable story.On Oct. 1 of last year, Texas
    newswoman Anna Werner, of KHOU-TV in Houston, told viewers about a "curious
    pattern of behavior" by people with "Middle Eastern looks" claiming to be
    Israeli art students. "Government guards have found those so-called
    students," reported Werner, "trying to get into secure federal facilities
    in Houston in ways they're not supposed to -- through back doors and
    parking garages." Federal agents, she said, were extremely "concerned." The
    "students" had showed up at the DEA's Houston headquarters, at the Leland
    Federal Building in Houston, and even the federal prosecutor's office; they
    had also appeared to be monitoring the buildings. Guards at the Earle
    Cabell Federal Building in Dallas found one "student" wandering the halls
    with a floor plan of the site. Sources told Werner that similar incidents
    had occurred at sites in New York, Florida, and six other states, "and even
    more worrisome, at 36 sensitive Department of Defense sites."

    "One defense site you can explain," a former Defense Department analyst
    told Werner. "Thirty-six? That's a pattern." Ominously, the analyst
    concluded that such activity suggested a terrorist organization "scouting
    out potential targets and ... looking for targets that would be
    vulnerable."

    Post-9/11, this should have been the opening thrust in an orgy of coverage,
    and the scoop of a lifetime for Werner: Here she'd gotten a glimpse into a
    possible espionage ring of massive proportions, possibly of terrorists
    scouting new targets for jihad -- and those terrorists were possibly posing
    as Israelis. KHOU's conclusions were wrong -- these weren't Arab
    terrorists -- but at the time no one knew better. And yet the story died on
    the vine. No one followed up.

    Just about the same time that KHOU was stabbing in the dark, reporter Carl
    Cameron of the Fox News Channel was beginning an investigation into the
    mystery of the art students that would ultimately light the way into
    altogether different terrain. In a four-part series on Fox's "Special
    Report With Brit Hume" that aired in mid-December, Cameron reported that
    federal agents were investigating the "art student" phenomenon as a
    possible arm of Israeli espionage operations tracking al-Qaida operatives
    in the United States. Yes, you read that right: a spy ring that may have
    been trailing al-Qaida members in the weeks and months before Sept. 11 -- a
    spy ring that according to Cameron's sources may have known about the
    preparations for the Sept. 11 attacks but failed to share this knowledge
    with U.S. intelligence. One investigator told Cameron that "evidence
    linking these Israelis to 9/11 is classified. I cannot tell you about
    evidence that has been gathered. It's classified information."

    According to Cameron, some 60 Israeli nationals had been detained in the
    anti-terrorism/immigrant sweeps in the weeks after Sept. 11, and at least
    140 Israelis identified as "art students" had been detained or arrested in
    the prior months. Most of the 60 detained after Sept. 11 had been deported,
    Cameron said. "Some of the detainees," reported Cameron, "failed polygraph
    questions when asked about alleged surveillance activities against and in
    the United States." Some of them were on active military duty. (Military
    service is compulsory for all young Israelis.) Cameron was careful to note
    that there was "no indication that the Israelis were involved in the 9/11
    attacks" and that while his reporting had dug up "explosive information,"
    none of it was necessarily conclusive. Cameron was simply airing the
    wide-ranging speculations in an ongoing investigation.

    Incendiary as it was, that story died on the vine, too, and the scuttlebutt
    in major newsrooms was that Cameron's sources -- all anonymous -- were
    promulgating a fantasy. Reporters at the New York Times and the Washington
    Post hit up their go-to people inside Justice and FBI and CIA, but no one
    could seem to confirm the story, and indeed numerous officials laughed it
    off. Fox got it wrong, the newspapers of record concluded. And nothing more
    was heard on the topic in mainstream quarters.

    But inside the DEA, the Fox piece reverberated. An internal DEA communique
    obtained by Salon indicates that the DEA made careful note of Cameron's
    reports; the communique even mentions Fox News by name. Dated Dec. 18, four
    days after the final installment in the Fox series, the document warns of
    security breaches in DEA telecommunications by unauthorized "foreign
    nationals" -- and cites an Israeli-owned firm with which the DEA contracted
    for wiretap equipment -- breaches that could have accounted for the access
    that the "art students" apparently had to the home addresses of agents.

    It wasn't until nearly three months after the Fox reports that the "art
    student" enigma resurfaced in newsrooms, this time in Europe. On Feb. 28,
    the respected Paris-based espionage newsletter Intelligence Online reported
    in detail on what turned out to have been one of Cameron's key source
    documents: the 60-page DEA memo. The memo itself, which Salon obtained in
    mid-March, went no further than to speculate in the most general terms that
    the "nature of the individuals' conduct" suggested some sort of "organized
    intelligence gathering activity." The memo also pointed out that there was
    some evidence connecting the art students to a drug ring. "DEA Orlando has
    developed the first drug nexus to this group," the memo read. "Telephone
    numbers obtained from an Israeli Art Student encountered at the Orlando
    D.O. District Office have been linked to several ongoing DEA MDMA (Ecstasy)
    investigations in Florida, California, Texas and New York."

    However, Intelligence Online and then France's newspaper of record, Le
    Monde, came to a much more definite -- and explosive -- conclusion. This
    was the jackpot, they concluded, a proven spy ring run by the Mossad or the

    Israeli government. Thus you had Intelligence Online leading its Feb. 28
    piece with the statement that "a huge Israeli spy ring operating in the
    United States was rolled up," and you had Le Monde trumpeting on March 5
    that a "vast Israeli spy network" had been dismantled in the "largest case
    of Israeli spying" since 1985, when mole Jonathan Pollard was busted
    selling Pentagon secrets to the Mossad. Reuters that same day went with the
    headline "U.S. Busts Big Israeli Spy Ring," sourcing Le Monde's story.

    The two French journals came to conclusions that the memo itself clearly
    did not. And yet they had unearthed some intriguing material. Six of the
    "students" were apparently carrying cell phones purchased by a former
    Israeli vice consul to the United States. According to Le Monde, two of the
    "students" had traveled from Hamburg to Miami to visit an FBI agent in his
    home, then boarded a flight to Chicago and visited the home of a Justice
    Dept. agent, then hopped a direct flight to Toronto -- all in one day.
    According to Intelligence Online, more than one-third of the students, who
    were spread out in 42 cities, lived in Florida, several in Hollywood and
    Fort Lauderdale, Fla. -- one-time home to at least 10 of the 19 Sept. 11
    hijackers. In at least one case, the students lived just a stone's throw
    from homes and apartments where the Sept. 11 terrorists resided: In
    Hollywood, several students lived at 4220 Sheridan St., just down the block
    from the 3389 Sheridan St. apartment where terrorist mastermind Mohammed
    Atta holed up with three other Sept. 11 plotters. Many of the students, the
    DEA report noted, had backgrounds in Israeli military intelligence and/or
    electronics surveillance; one was the son of a two-star Israeli general,
    and another had served as a bodyguard to the head of the Israeli army.

    The DEA report on which the French journals based their investigations
    contained a wealth of remarkable tales. To take just a few samples:

    On March 1, 2001, a DEA special agent in the Tampa division offices
    "responded to a knock at one of the fifth floor offices. At the door was a
    young female who immediately identified herself as an Israeli art student
    who had beautiful art to sell. She was carrying a crudely made portfolio of
    unframed pictures." Aware of the "art student" alert, the agent invited the
    girl to an interview room, where he was joined by a colleague to listen to
    the girl's presentation. "She had approximately 15 paintings of different
    styles, some copies of famous works, and others similar in style to famous
    artists. When asked her name, she identified herself as Bella Pollcson, and
    pointed out one of the paintings was signed by that name." Then things got
    interesting: In the middle of her presentation, she changed her story and
    claimed that the paintings were not for sale, but "that she was there to
    promote an art show in Sarasota, Fla., and asked for the agents' business
    cards so that information regarding the show could be mailed to them."
    Well, where's the show? asked the agents. When's it going up? Pollcson
    couldn't say: didn't know when or where -- or even who was running it.
    Later it was determined that she had lied about her name as well.

    On Oct. 20, 2000, in the Houston offices of the DEA, a "male Israeli art
    student was observed by the Security Officers entering an elevator from a
    secure area. The officers were able to apprehend the art student before he
    could enter a secure area on the second floor." Three months later, in
    January 2001, a "male Israeli" was apprehended attempting to enter the same
    building from a back door in a "secured parking lot area." He claimed "he
    wanted to gain access to the building to sell artwork."

    On April 30, 2001, an Air Force alert was issued from Tinker Air Force Base
    in Oklahoma City concerning "possible intelligence collection being
    conducted by Israeli Art Students." Tinker AFB houses AWACS surveillance
    craft and Stealth bombers. The report does not elaborate on what kind of
    intelligence was being sought.

    On May 19, 2001, two Israeli nationals "requested permission to visit a
    museum" at Volk Field Air National Guard Base in Camp Douglas, Wis.
    "Approximately ten minutes after being allowed on the base, the two were
    seen on an active runway, taking photographs." The men, charged with
    misdemeanor trespass, were identified as 26-year-old Gal Kantor and
    22-year-old Tsvi Watermann, and were released after paying a $210 fine.
    According to the Air Force security officer on duty, "Both were asked if
    they were involved in the selling of art while in the U.S. Kantor became
    very upset over this, and questioned why they were being asked about that
    .. Kantor's whole demeanor changed, and he then became uncooperative."

    So it went week after week, month after month, for more than a year and a
    half. In addition to the locations mentioned above, there were "art
    student" encounters in Atlanta, Chicago, Denver, Detroit, El Paso, Los
    Angeles, Miami, Orlando, New Orleans, Phoenix, San Diego, Little Rock,
    Seattle, Washington, D.C., Arlington, Texas, Albuquerque, and dozens of
    other small cities and towns."Their stories," the DEA report states, "were
    remarkable only in their consistency. At first, they will state that they
    are art students, either from the University of Jerusalem or the Bezalel
    Academy of Arts in Jerusalem. Other times they will purport to be promoting
    a new art studio in the area. When pressed for details as to the location
    of the art studio or why they are selling the paintings, they become
    evasive."

    Indeed, they had reason to be nervous, because they were lying. Salon
    contacted Bezalel Academy's Varda Harel, head of the Academic Students'
    Administration, with a list of every "student" named in the DEA report,
    including their dates of birth, passport numbers, and in some cases
    military registration numbers. Not a single name was identified in the
    Bezalel database, either as a current student or as a graduate of the past
    10 years (nor had any of the "students" tried to apply to Bezalel in the
    last ten years). As for the University of Jerusalem, there is no such
    entity. There is the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, but Heidi Gleit, the
    school's foreign press liaison, told me that Israelis commonly refer to the
    school as Hebrew University, not the University of Jerusalem. (Hebrew
    University, she said, does not release student records to the public.)

    Still, the U.S. press was uninterested. Just one day after the Le Monde
    report, the Washington Post ran a story on March 6 that seemed to put the
    whole thing to rest. Headlined "Reports of Israeli Spy Ring Dismissed," the
    piece, by John Mintz and Dan Eggen, opened with official denials from a
    "wide array of U.S. officials" and quoted Justice Department spokeswoman
    Susan Dryden as saying, "This seems to be an urban myth that has been
    circulating for months. The department has no information at this time to
    substantiate these widespread reports about Israeli art students involved
    in espionage."

    The Post quoted anonymous officials who said they thought the allegations
    had been "circulated by a single employee of the Drug Enforcement
    Administration who is angry that his theories have not gained currency ...
    T wo law enforcement officials said the disgruntled DEA agent, who
    disagreed with the conclusion of FBI and CIA intelligence experts that no
    spying was taking place, appears to be leaking a memo that he himself
    wrote."

    An INS spokesman acknowledged to the Post that several dozen Israelis had
    been deported, but said it was the result of "routine visa violations." At
    the same time, DEA spokesman Thomas Hinojosa told the Post that "multiple
    reports of suspicious activity on the part of young Israelis had come into
    the agency's Washington headquarters from agents in the field. The reports
    were summarized in a draft memo last year, but Hinojosa said he did not
    have a copy and could not vouch for the accuracy of media reports
    describing its contents."

    The Post's apparent debunking was far from convincing, even to the casual
    reader. Of course there was no proof that the art students were part of a
    spy ring: Intelligence Online and Le Monde had jumped the gun. However, the
    real possibility that they were part of a spy ring could not be
    dismissed -- any more than could any other theory one might advance to
    explain their unusual behavior. With that in mind, Justice spokeswoman
    Dryden's assertion that reports of an Israeli spy ring were an "urban myth"
    was an oddly overplayed denial. A response that fit the facts would have
    been something like "There have been numerous reports of suspicious
    behavior by Israelis claiming to be art students. We are looking into the
    allegations." Instead, Dryden appeared to be trying to forestall any
    discussion of just what the facts of the case were. Given the political
    sensitivities and the potentially embarrassing nature of the case, that was
    not surprising,

    If the whole thing was an "urban myth," like the sewer reptiles of
    Manhattan, and if it all led back to one deskbound nut job in the DEA, then
    what were those "reports of suspicious activity" that had come in from
    agents in the field? Hinojosa's statement about the DEA memo was
    suspiciously evasive: If the "media reports describing its content" (that
    is, the articles in Le Monde and Intelligence Online) were in fact based on
    the DEA memo whose existence Hinojosa acknowledged, then the "lone nut"
    explanation offered by anonymous U.S. officials was at best irrelevant and
    at worst a rather obvious piece of disinformation, an attempt to shove the
    story under the rug. (In fact, the French articles were based on the actual
    DEA memo -- a fact any news organization could have quickly verified, since
    the leaked DEA document had been floating around on various Web venues,
    such as Cryptome.org, as early as March 21).

    To someone not familiar with the 60-page DEA memo, or to reporters who
    didn't bother to obtain it, the fact that a disgruntled employee leaked a
    memo he wrote himself might seem like decisive proof that the whole "art
    student" tale was a canard. In reality, the nature of the memo makes its
    authorship irrelevant. The memo is a compilation of field reports by dozens
    of named agents and officials from DEA offices across America. It contains
    the names, passport numbers, addresses, and in some cases the military ID
    numbers of the Israelis who were questioned by federal authorities.
    Pointing a finger at the author is like blaming a bank robbery on the desk
    sergeant who took down the names of the robbers.

    Of course, the agent (or agents) who wrote the memo could also have
    fabricated or embellished the field reports. That does not seem to have
    been the case. Salon contacted more than a half-dozen agents identified in
    the memo. One agent said she had been visited six times at her home by "art
    students." None of the agents wished to be named, and very few were willing
    to speak at length, but all confirmed the veracity of the information.

    Despite such obvious holes in the official story, neither the Post nor any
    other mainstream media organization ran follow-up articles. The New York
    Times has not yet deemed it worth covering -- in fact, the paper of record
    has not written about the art student mystery even once, not even to
    pooh-pooh it. One or two minor media players did some braying -- Israel had
    been caught spying, etc. ' and the bonko conspiracy fringe had a field day,
    but the rest of the media, taking a cue from the big boys, decided it was a
    nonstarter: the Post's "debunking" and the Times' silence had effectively
    killed the story.

    So complete was the silence that by mid-March, Jane's Information Group,
    the respected British intelligence and military analysis service, noted:
    "It is rather strange that the U.S. media seems to be ignoring what may
    well be the most explosive story since the 11 September attacks -- the
    alleged break-up of a major Israeli espionage operation in the USA."

    The only major American media outlet aside from Fox to seriously present
    the "art student" allegations was Insight on the News, the investigative
    magazine published weekly by the conservative Washington Times. In a March
    11 article, Insight quoted a senior Justice Department official as saying,
    "We think there is something quite sinister here but are unable at this
    time to put our finger on it" -- essentially echoing what the DEA report
    concluded.

    Managing editor Paul M. Rodriguez, who wrote the Insight story and had
    quietly tracked the art student phenomenon for weeks before Intelligence
    Online scooped him, took an agnostic stance toward the mystery. "There is
    zero information at this time to suggest that these students were being run
    by the Mossad," he told me. "Nothing we've come across would suggest this.
    We have seen nothing that says this is a spy ring run by the Israeli
    government directly or with a wink and a nod or some other form of sub rosa
    control. Based on what we've been told, seen and obtained I just don't see
    the so-called spy ring as a certain fact. Does that make it not so? I don't
    know."

    Rodriguez added, "I think the investigators' take is this: What were these
    'students' doing going around accessing buildings without authorization,
    tracking undercover cops to their homes -- if not for some sort of intel
    mission? It's sort of a mind-fuck scenario, if one were to believe this was
    a conspiracy by a foreign intel source and/or a bunch of nutty 'kids'
    fucking around just to see how far they could push the envelope -- which
    they seem to have pushed pretty damn far, given the page after page after
    page of intrusions and snooping alleged."

    The Israeli embassy denies the charges of a spy ring. "We are saying what
    we've been saying for months," spokesman Mark Reguev told Salon, referring
    to the Fox series in December. "No American official or intelligence agency
    has complained to us about this. The story is nonsense. Israel does not spy
    on the United States."

    Whether or not the "art students" are Israeli spies, Reguev's blanket
    disavowal is untrue: Israel does spy on the United States. This should come
    as no surprise: Allies frequently spy on each other, and Israeli
    intelligence is renowned as among the best and most aggressive in the
    world. Israel has been at war off and on since its birth as a nation in
    1948 and is hungry for information it deems essential to its survival. And
    America's relationship to Israel and support for it is essential to the
    survival of the Jewish state. Add these things up, and espionage against
    the United States becomes understandable, if not justifiable. The U.S.
    government officially denies this, of course, but it knows that such spying
    goes on. In 1996, the U.S. General Accounting Office issued a report
    indicating that "Country A," later identified as Israel, "conducts the most
    aggressive espionage operation against the United States of any U.S. ally."
    A year earlier, the Defense Investigative Service circulated a memo warning
    U.S. military contractors that "Israel aggressively collects U.S. military
    and industrial technology" and "possesses the resources and technical
    capability to successfully achieve its collection objectives." The memo
    explained that "the Israelis are motivated by strong survival instincts
    which dictate every facet of their political and economic policies."

    In the history of Israeli espionage in and against the United States, the
    case of Jonathan Pollard was certainly the most heinous. Pollard, a
    civilian U.S. naval intelligence analyst, provided Israeli intelligence
    with an estimated 800,000 pages of classified U.S. intelligence
    information. The information eventually ended up in Soviet hands,
    compromising American agents in the field -- several of whom were allegedly
    captured and killed as a result. Israel at first denied, and then admitted,
    Pollard's connections to the Mossad after he was arrested in 1985 and
    imprisoned for life. The case severely strained American-Israeli relations,
    and continues to rankle many American Jews, who believe that since Pollard
    was spying for Israel, his sentence was unduly harsh. (Other American Jews
    feel equally strongly that Pollard and the Israelis betrayed them.)

    Any attempt to understand the official U.S. response to the Israeli art
    student mystery -- and to some degree, the media response -- must take into
    account both the smoke screen that states blow over incidents that could
    jeopardize their strategic alliances, and America's unique and complex
    relationship with Israel. The Jewish state is a close if problematic ally
    with whom the United States enjoys a "special relationship" unlike that
    maintained with any other nation in the world. But U.S. and Israeli
    interests do not always coincide, and spying has always been deemed to
    cross a line, to represent a fundamental violation of trust. According to
    intelligence sources, the United States might perhaps secretly tolerate
    some Israeli spying on U.S. soil if the government decided that it was in
    our interest (although it could never be acknowledged), but certain types
    of spying will simply not be accepted by the United States, whether the
    spying is carried out by Israel or anyone else.

    If England or France spied on the United States, American officials would
    likely conceal it. In the case of Israel, there are far stronger reasons to
    hide any unseemly cracks in the special relationship. The powerful
    pro-Israel political constituencies in Congress; pro-Israel lobbies; the
    Bush administration's strong support for Israel, and its strategic and
    political interest in maintaining close ties with the Jewish state as a
    partner in the "war against terror"; the devastating consequences for
    U.S.-Israeli relations if it was suspected that Israeli agents might have
    known about the Sept. 11 attack -- all these factors explain why the U.S.
    government might publicly downplay the art student story and conceal any
    investigation that produces unpalatable results.

    The pro-Israel lobby is a vast and powerful force in American politics; the
    American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, is the No. 1
    foreign-policy lobby and the fourth most powerful lobby in Washington,
    according to Fortune Magazine. Michael Lind, a senior fellow of the New
    America Foundation and a former executive editor of the National Interest,
    calls the Israel lobby "an ethnic donor machine" that "distorts U.S.
    foreign policy" in the Middle East. Among foreign service officers, law
    enforcement and the military, there is an impression, says Lind, that you
    can't mess with Israel without suffering direct and indirect smears, such
    as being labeled an Arabist. Lind, who himself has been virulently attacked
    as an anti-Semite for his forthrightness on the subject, acknowledges that
    the Israel lobby is no different from any other -- just more effective.
    "This is what all lobbies do," Lind observes. "If you criticize the AARP,
    you hate old people and you want them to starve to death. The Israel lobby
    is just one part of the lobby problem."

    Considering the volatility of the issue, it is not surprising that almost
    no one in officialdom wants to go on the record for a story like the art
    students. "In government circles," as Insight's Rodriguez put it, "anything
    that has to do with Israel is always a hot topic, a third rail -- deadly.
    No one wants to touch it." Fox News' Cameron quoted intelligence officers
    saying that to publicly air suspicions of Israeli wrongdoing was tantamount
    to "career suicide." And the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, in one of its
    bloodiest and most polarizing phases, has only exacerbated sensitivities.

    Some of the same pressures that keep government officials from criticizing
    Israel may also explain why the media has failed to pursue the art student
    enigma. Media outlets that run stories even mildly critical of Israel often
    find themselves targeted by organized campaigns, including form-letter
    e-mails, the cancellation of subscriptions, and denunciations of the
    organization and its reporters and editors as anti-Semites. Cameron, for
    example, was excoriated by various pro-Israel lobbying groups for his
    expose. Representatives of the Jewish Institute for National Security
    Affairs (JINSA), the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), and the Committee for
    Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America (CAMERA) argued that the Fox
    report cited only unnamed sources, provided no direct evidence, and
    moreover had been publicly denied by spokesmen for the FBI and others (the
    last, of course, is not really an argument).

    In a December interview with Salon, CAMERA's associate director, Alex
    Safian, said that several "Jewish/Israeli groups" were having
    "conversations" with representatives of Fox News regarding Cameron's piece.
    Safian said he questioned Cameron's motives in running the story. "I think
    Fox has always been fair to Israel in its reporting," said Safian. "I think
    it's just Cameron who has something, personally, about Israel. He was
    brought up in the Middle East. Maybe that has something to do with it.
    Maybe he's very sympathetic to the Arab side. One could ask." The implicit
    suggestion was that Cameron is a bigot; in conversation, Safian would later
    make the same allegation about the entire editorial helm at Le Monde, which
    he called an anti-Semitic newspaper.

    Told of Safian's comments, Cameron said, "I'm speechless. I spent several
    years in Iran growing up because my father was an archaeologist there. That
    makes me anti-Israel?" The chief Washington correspondent for Fox News,
    Cameron had never before been attacked for biased coverage of Israel or
    Israeli-related affairs -- or for biased coverage of Arabs, for that
    matter. Cameron defends his December reporting, saying he had never
    received any heat whatsoever from his superiors, nor had he ever been
    contacted by any dissenting voices in government.

    Oddly, four days after the Cameron investigation ran, all traces of his
    report -- transcripts, Web links, headlines -- disappeared from the
    Foxnews.com archives. (Normally, Fox leaves a story up for two to three
    weeks before consigning it to the pay archive.) When Le Monde contacted Fox
    in March for a copy of the original tapes, Fox News spokesmen said the
    request posed a problem but would not elaborate. (Fox News now says Le
    Monde never called.) Asked why the Cameron piece disappeared, spokesman
    Robert Zimmerman said it was "up there on our Web site for about two or
    three weeks and then it was taken down because we had to replace it with
    more breaking news. As you know, in a Web site you've got x amount of
    bandwidth -- you know, x amount of stuff you can put stuff up on sic . So
    it was replaced. Normal course of business, my friend." (In fact, a
    text-based story on a Web site takes up a negligible amount of bandwidth.)

    When informed that Cameron's story was gone from the archives, not simply
    from the headline pages (when you entered the old URL, a Fox screen
    appeared with the message "This story no longer exists"), Zimmerman
    replied, "I don't know where it is."

    The extreme sensitivity of the Israeli art student story in government
    circles was made clear to this reporter when, in the midst of my inquiries
    at DEA and elsewhere, I was told by a source that some unknown party had
    checked my records and background. He proved it by mentioning a job I had
    briefly held many years ago that virtually no one outside my family knew
    about. Shortly after this, I received a call from an individual who
    identified himself only by the code name Stability. Stability said he was
    referred to me from "someone in Washington." That someone turned out to be
    a veteran D.C. correspondent who has close sources in the CIA and the FBI
    and who verified that Stability was a high-level intelligence agent who had
    been following the art student matter from the inside.Stability was guarded
    in his initial conversation with me. He said that people in the
    intelligence committee were suspicious about my bona fides and raised the
    possibility that someone was "using" me. "Your name is known and has been
    known for quite a while," Stability said. "The problem is that you're going
    into a hornet's nest with this. It's a very difficult time in this
    particular area. This is a scenario where a lot of people are living a
    bunker mentality." He added, "There are a lot of people under a lot of
    pressure right now because there's a great effort to discredit the story,
    discredit the connections, prevent people from going any further in
    investigating the matter . There are some very, very smart people who have
    taken a lot of heat on this -- have gone to what I would consider
    extraordinary risks to reach out. Quite frankly, there are a lot of
    patriots out there who'd like to remain alive. Typically, patriots are
    dead."

    In a subsequent conversation, Stability said that the DEA's Office of
    Professional Responsibility is currently undertaking an aggressive
    investigation targeting agents suspected of leaking the June 2001 memo. The
    OPR inquiry was initiated as a result of Intelligence Online's expose of
    the DEA document in late February. According to Stability, at least 14
    agents -- including some in agencies other than DEA -- are now under
    intense scrutiny and interrogation. Half a dozen agents have been
    polygraphed several times over, computers have been seized, desks have been
    searched.

    A DEA spokesman would neither confirm nor deny the allegation. "Anything
    that has to do with internal security, which would include OPR, is not
    anything we're able to discuss," the spokesman said.

    As for the DEA document itself, Stability said that all information
    gathering for it ceased around June 2001. He also noted that "there are
    multiple variations of that document" floating around DEA and elsewhere.

    "It was a living, breathing document," Stability said, "that grew on a
    week-by-week basis, that was being added to as people forwarded
    information. To say this was a coordinated effort would be a stretch; it
    was ad hoc. But that document the DEA memo didn't just happen. That
    document was the result of literally dozens of people providing input,
    working together. These events were going on, people were looking at them,
    but could not understand them.

    "It wasn't until the end of 2000 and the beginning of 2001 that field
    agents ran across a series of visits that occurred within a very close
    period of time," Stability said. Agents from across the country began
    talking to each other, comparing notes. "There was an embryonic
    understanding that there was something here, something was happening.
    People kept running across it. And agents being who they are, gut feelings
    being what they are, they would catch a thread. They'd start to pull a
    thread, and next thing, they'd end up with the arm of the jacket and the
    back was coming off, and then you'd end up with reports like you saw. The
    information, in its scattered form, is one thing. The information compiled,
    documented, timelined, indexed, is a horrific event for some of these
    people. Because it is indisputable."

    "Agents started to realize that people were coming to their homes," he
    continued. "If you are part of an organization like this, you tend to be
    careful about your security. When something disturbs that sense of
    security, it's unnerving. One thing that was understood fairly early on was
    that the students would go to some areas that didn't have street signs, and
    in fact they would already have directions to these areas. That indicated
    that someone had been there prior to them or had electronically figured
    where the agents were located -- using credit card records, things of that
    nature. This sat in the back of people's minds as to the resources
    necessary to do that."

    "I will tell you that there is still great debate over what the art
    students' specific purposes were and are," Stability went on. "When you
    take an individual who picks up a group of individuals from an airport,
    individuals who supposedly have no idea what they're doing in-country, who
    fly on over from a foreign land, whose airline tickets could in some
    instances total a value greater than $15,000 -- and who get picked up at
    the airport and drive specifically to one individual's home, which they
    know the exact directions to: Yeah, you could say there's a problem here.
    You don't need to be a rocket scientist to understand that. The overarching
    item is that a lot of work went into going to people's houses to sell them
    junk from China in plastic frames."

    But to what end? What was the value? What was to be gained? "Unknown,
    unknown," Stability said. "You could be anywhere from D.C. to daylight on
    that one. Even on our side, you have to take all the stuff and draw it all
    out and clean out all the chaff. I will tell you that from those who are
    working ground zero of this case , it is a difficult puzzle to put
    together, and it is not complete by any means." Even the spooks are
    baffled; they have no answers.

    So let's draw out the chaff ourselves and see if we can at least speculate.
    In intel circles, there are a number of working theories, according to
    Stability. "Profiling of federal agents is one," said Stability. "Keeping
    tabs on other people, other foreign nationals, is another. A third is that
    they were working for organized crime -- that's an easy one, and it almost
    sounds more like a cover than a reality. The predominant thought is that it
    was a profiling endeavour, and from a profiling aspect, also one of
    intimidation."

    You mean this whole vast scheme was a mind fuck, to use Paul Rodriguez's
    elegant phrasing? A psy-ops endeavor to spook the spooks? Perhaps. As
    Stability put it, "Almost nothing is wrong in this particular instance, Mr.
    Ketcham. In this particular situation, right is wrong, left is right, up is
    down, day is night."

    Yet for the most part the targeted agents weren't spooks in the strictest
    sense: They were DEA -- cops who bust drug dealers. And that leads us into
    Theory No. 1, also known as the Art Student/Drug Dealer Conspiracy. This
    theory has a piece of evidence to support it: the link, mentioned in the
    leaked DEA memo, between an Ecstasy investigation and the telephone numbers
    provided by an Israeli detained in Orlando. There are "problems" with
    Israeli nationals involved in the Ecstasy business, according to Israeli
    Embassy spokesman Reguev. "Israeli authorities and the DEA are working
    together on that issue," he said. In a statement before Congress in 2000,
    officials with the U.S. Customs Service, which intercepted some 7 million
    Ecstasy tablets last year, noted that "Israeli organized-crime elements
    appear to be in control" of the multibillion-dollar U.S. Ecstasy trade,
    "from production through the international smuggling phase. Couriers
    associated with Israeli organized crime have been arrested around the
    world, including ... locations in the U.S. such as Florida, New Jersey, New
    York and California."

    Miami was cited as one of the main entry points of Ecstasy into the United
    States and was specified as one of the central "headquarters for the
    criminal organizations that smuggle Ecstasy"; Houston was also cited for
    large Ecstasy seizures -- an interesting nexus, given the large number of
    "art students" who congregated both in the Miami and Ft. Lauderdale area
    and in Houston. "Israeli nationals in the Ecstasy trade have been very
    sophisticated in their operations," says a U.S. Customs officer who has
    investigated the groups. "Some of these individuals have been skilled at
    counterintelligence and in concealing their communications and movements
    from law enforcement."

    It would thus seem that Israeli organized crime has at least the capacity
    to pull off a widespread surveillance and intelligence operation. The drug
    connection would also explain the sizable reserves of cash one Tampa
    student was handling.

    One DEA agent named in the "art student" report told Salon that the best
    possible explanation for the affair '- and he admitted to being utterly
    baffled by it -- was that drug dealers were involved.

    "Why us if not because of the DEA's mission?" the agent asked. "I mean,
    what would Israeli intel want with us? Here's another avenue of inquiry to
    take: Israeli organized crime is the now the biggest dealer of Ecstasy in
    the United States. These students? It was Israeli organized crime judging
    our strength, getting a survey of our operations. What if I wanted to
    burglarize your building and go through your files? I'd do a reconnoiter.
    Get a sense of the floor plan and security, where the guards are stationed,
    how many doors, what kind of locks, alarm systems, backup alarm systems."

    The trouble with this theory is the obvious one: In the annals of crime
    chutzpah, for drug dealers to brazenly approach drug agents in their homes
    and offices may represent the all-time world record. And what conceivable
    useful intelligence could they gather that would be worth the risk? Were
    the tee-heeing tight-sweatered Israeli babes pulling some kind of Mata Hari
    stunt, seducing paunchy middle-aged DEA boys and beguiling them into
    loose-lipped info sharing? Theory No. 2 is that they were all engaged in
    espionage. This scenario has the virtue of simplicity -- if it smells like
    a spy, walks like a spy, and talks like a spy, it probably is a spy -- but
    doesn't make much sense, either. Why would the Mossad -- or any spy outfit
    with a lick of good sense -- use kids without papers as spies? And, just as
    our incredulous DEA agent noted, what intelligence useful to Israel could
    be gathered from DEA offices, anyway?

    I suggested to Stability that the operation, if it was that, was purposely
    conspicuous -- almost oafish. "Yes, it was," he replied. "It was a noisy
    operation. Did you ever see 'Victor/Victoria'? It was about a woman playing
    a man playing a woman. Perhaps you should think about this from that aspect
    and ask yourself if you wanted to have something that was in your face,
    that didn't make sense, that couldn't possibly be them." He added, "Think
    of it this way: How could the experts think this could actually be
    something of any value? Wouldn't they dismiss what they were seeing?"

    That's where you enter truly dark territory: Theory No. 3, the Art Student
    as Agent as Art Student Smoke Screen. It has major problems, but let's roll
    with it for a moment. This theory contends that the art student ring was a
    smoke screen intended to create confusion and allow actual spies -- who
    were also posing as art students -- to be lumped together with the rest and
    escape detection. In other words, the operation is an elaborate double
    fake-out, a hiding-in-plain-sight scam. Whoever dreamed it up thought ahead
    to the endgame and knew that the DEA-stakeout aspect was so bizarre that it
    would throw off American intelligence. According to this theory --
    Stability's "Victor/Victoria" scenario -- Israeli agents wanted, let's say,
    to monitor al-Qaida members in Florida and other states. But they feared
    detection. So to provide cover, and also to create a dizzyingly Byzantine
    story that would confuse the situation, Israeli intel flooded areas of real
    operations with these bumbling "art students" -- who were told to
    deliberately stake out DEA agents.

    Perhaps. Why not? Up is down, left is right. I nudged Stability on the
    obvious implication of the "Victor/Victoria" scenario: If this was a ruse,
    a decoy to conceal another operation, what was that other operation?
    "Unknown," Stability said.

    Then of course there's Theory No. 4: that they really were art students.
    Either they were recruited in Israel as part of an art-selling racket or
    they simply hit upon the idea themselves. This theory is basically the de
    facto position held by the U.S. and Israeli governments, which insist that
    the only wrong committed by the "students" was to sell art without the
    proper papers. There are almost too many problems with this to list, but
    it's worth mentioning a few: Why in the world would people try to sell
    cheap art market to DEA officials? Why would they almost all use the same
    bogus Bezalel Academy of Arts cover story? Why would anyone running such a
    racket to make money use foreign nationals without green cards, knowing
    that they would quickly be snagged for visa violations? And why did so many
    of these itinerant peddlers, wandering the United States on their strange
    mission of hawking cheap Chinese knockoff paintings, have "black
    information" about federal facilities?

    There are other theories. One is that these were spies in training, newly
    minted Mossad graduates on test runs to see how they would operate in field
    conditions. I asked Stability how hotly the matter was now being pursued in
    intel and law enforcement. "Depends on who you speak to," he told me. "Some
    people say that it's a dead issue, a fantasy. Most of the investigations
    are happening at an ad hoc level. There are people out there that you
    couldn't sway off some of the cases, because that's how dedicated they
    are."

    Apparently, at least some agents in FBI remain quite concerned about the
    art student problem. According to several intelligence sources, including
    Stability, on Dec. 3, 2001, six separate FBI field offices simultaneously
    forwarded communiques to FBI headquarters inquiring into the status of the
    investigation. The FBI agents wanted to have a "clarification" as to what
    was going on.

    The subject may not be officially dead yet. The art student matter may be
    taken up by the congressional committees investigating intelligence
    failures leading up to the Sept. 11 attacks, according to another source.

    What about the crucial Washington Post article, in which anonymous federal
    agents alleged the DEA memo was the work of a disgruntled employee?

    "The Washington Post article was a plant -- that's obvious. The story was
    killed," Stability told me. Who planted the story? Stability claimed the
    FBI was behind it. "Every organization is running scared," Stability added,
    "because they're afraid of the next shoe to drop. There are many smoking
    guns out there, many. So consequently every one is at a level of heightened
    anxiety, and when they're anxious they make mistakes."

    Yes, but what are they afraid of? What will the smoking guns prove?
    Questions, questions, labyrinthine questions, and the more you ask in this
    matter, the fewer get answered. When I called the CIA to inquire about the
    agency's March 2001 alert -- an alert that evinced deep disquiet over the
    affair -- an official who was aware of the inquiry told me, "I'll make a
    recommendation to you: Don't write a story. This whole thing has been blown
    way out of proportion. As far as we're concerned, we reported it, yes, but
    subsequently it's nothing of interest to us. And we've just closed the book
    on it. And I really recommend you do the same. Let it go. There's nothing
    here."

    Not everyone else in law enforcement is so sure. "There's a lot of concern
    among the agents," said the DEA source. "We're investigators. We're not
    satisfied when we don't have answers. This is a mystery that has an answer
    and it has to be resolved."

    Editor's Note: This story has been corrected since its original
    publication.

    LOAD-DATE: May 8, 2002


    What is missing from this story is how organized crime and the Israeli government
    are one and the same.

    The theory missing here is that this could have been a mission with several
    purposes. While wrapped up near the end with the DEA, the theories leave out
    the attempted penetration of other U.S. agencies which have nothing to do
    with dope dealing of any kind.

    Ecstasy brings in a lot of shekels. Despite all the billions drained from America
    in tax dollars every year Israel wants a lot more and dope dealing is very profitable.

    Hence they targeted the DEA, helped guide and assist those who attacked the
    U.S on 9-11, sent the anthrax with the threatening Muslim letters, and sent a threat
    of "we know who you are and where you live".

    The Jews also did something else as noted by the source called "Stability".

    "Quite frankly, there are a lot of patriots out there who'd like to remain alive.
    Typically, patriots are dead."

    This is a figurative speech, dead as in "out of the loop" -sent to Alaska- or
    dismissed.

    It could well be that the Jew Cabal is consolidating its power from the top,
    flushing out the patriots still hidden within, those who still feel some responsibility
    to defend America from being used to cleanse the Palestinians and relocate
    the looted wealth of America to Israel and its new empire within a pacified
    Arab and Muslim world.

    The Jews appear to have control of the Pentagon, and the Pentagon and its
    corporate suppliers and research institutes compose the power structure
    that runs the world. It does not have to stay here in America anymore than
    General Motors has to manufacture cars here. It and Wall Street can be
    relocated to Israel.

    Indeed the patriots seem to be dead. The power struggle seems to be
    between the British and the Israelis as to who will rule America.

    The USA reduced to being ruled by its old enemy or its newer enemy.




  4. #4
    Harvey
    Guest

    Re: Israeli Story no "American" Media Organization will Follow

    I don't know about selling art but I've been told that some Israeli agents
    have been poisoning gentiles by force feeding them gefilte fish and borsch.

    h



  5. #5
    Harvey
    Guest

    Re: Israeli Story no "American" Media Organization will Follow


    "NEMO ME IMPUNE" <fr> wrote in message
    news:3f51a1dc$0$20943$club-internet.fr... 


    Allez ą l'enfer

    h



  6. #6
    NEMO
    Guest

    Re: Israeli Story no "American" Media Organization will Follow

    Eh, on s'en tape d'Issraźl et ses conneries. Ici on parle de BMW.
    Foutez nous la paix

    "



  7. #7
    Carl.
    Guest

    Re: Israeli Story no "American" Media Organization will Follow

    "Harvey Louzon" <net> wrote in message
    news:mmh4b.236927$.. 
    borsch.

    This one time some sicko in a deli put fish in the cream cheese. Is that
    the kind of thing we are talking about?


    ---
    Update your PC at http://windowsupdate.microsoft.com
    Checked by AVG anti-virus system (http://www.grisoft.com).
    Version: 6.0.514 / Virus Database: 312 - Release Date: 8/29/2003



  8. #8
    Mark
    Guest

    Re: Israeli Story no "American" Media Organization will Follow

    "Carl." <com> wrote in article
    <ZVh4b.5273$austin.rr.com>: 

    That's smoked salmon....and boy it's yummy that way!
     

    [posted via phonescoop.com - free web access to the alt.cellular groups]

  9. #9
    taylor
    Guest

    Re: Israeli Story no "American" Media Organization will Follow

    You realy dont know what u're talking about ah?
    your some poor jerk who heard a tale and believe it and just fwd it so
    another poor jerks would believe it 2.

  10. #10
    Hal
    Guest

    Re: Israeli Story no "American" Media Organization will Follow

    Reported by the US government in March 2001

    http://www.ncix.gov/news/2001/mar01.html#a1



    "taylor" <co.il> wrote in message
    news:google.com... 




 
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